Understanding the PresidentŐs Cancer Panel
Report[1]
The
May 6 report of the PresidentŐs Cancer Panel is significant for several reasons. First, the things it says: Environmental contaminants probably
cause many more cancers than are commonly acknowledged. The mix of contaminants people are
exposed to, especially children, make the risks much higher than from any one
source. We need to warn people
about the steps they can take to reduce their exposure, and to carefully study
chemicals and technologies that can affect human well-being before they
are released for general use.
Specific contaminants discussed in the report include bisphenol A, formaldehyde, radon, radiation from cell phone
usage, and a range of other carcinogens and endocrine disrupters. The report urges systematic monitoring
of environmental contaminants, exposure level in humans, and health
outcomes. It endorses a
precautionary approach to contaminants that can affect human health.
[By
the way, there are things you can do to reduce your own and your childrenŐsŐ
exposure: choose food, household
chemicals, toys and play spaces that have few chemicals—read labels, look
through http://householdproducts.nlm.nih.gov/, donŐt
use plastics in your microwave oven, spend less time at the mall (flame
retardants on all of those fabrics), wash new clothes a couple of times before
wearing them, use a filter for your tap water, limit time with a cell phone
held next to your head or on a belt, limit CATscans
and other uses of x-rays, and have your house checked for radon.]
In
the United States we do not employ a precautionary approach. Quite the contrary, our laws specify
that industry is free to deploy new substances and technologies unless there is
a compelling reason to suspect people will be harmed. The big test for effects on health is conducted by exposing
millions of people.
Consider
the example of neurotoxins. The
EPA maintains a list of known neurotoxins, two hundred and one in all.[2] Only three have been thoroughly
investigated for presence in the environment, exposure levels and health
effects on people. All
three—PCBs, lead, and mercury—have been found to harm people,
particularly children, and have become targets of programs to reduce their
release. We do not take strong
action on the others, or drastic action on mercury, because of the high burden
of proof required under our laws—and because programs to do so are
opposed by big contributors to Congress.
The
top scientists who study neurotoxins, endocrine disruptors and other widespread
contaminants believe they are responsible for serious health problems,
including asthma, autism, and behavioral disorders in children.
We
so not routinely conduct studies of exposure to environmental contaminants, as
the PresidentŐs Cancer Panel advocates.[3] When such tests are conducted, we find
people harbor dozens of toxic chemicals at levels that threaten their health.[4]
The
Report warns we will not beat cancer as long as we continue to expose people to
thousands of carcinogens.
Here
is what the Report does not say.
It is presented to the a public, and to a public policy community, that
is debating how to think about, and design policies for, risks to human
health. It is widely accepted that public policy
should pay some heed to risk.
Given scarce budget dollars, we are under an ethical obligation to spend
money wisely. More should be spent
on the risks we are more likely to encounter, and from which we are more likely
to suffer dire consequences.
That
argument has won the day in the world of public policy. We need to understand how to do it
right. Industry insiders and
advocacy groups generally argue for risk-based decision making, but against the
systematic testing and monitoring advocated in the Report. Why?
Consider
an example from the world of food safety.
Let us agree our knowledge of risk should not come from incidence of illness due
to food borne pathogens. The point
is to prevent illness and death, without conducting field experiments that
sicken and kill people.
An industrialized food system generates new risks all the time,
through the invention of new processes and chemicals. Most risks from these innovations are going to be unknown,
such as in the recent news story about salmonella in hydrolyzed vegetable
protein (HVP—which is really MSG produced by
means other than fermentation). HVP is sold as an ingredient for other products. Most of those subsequent products will
be heated enough to kill salmonella—but perhaps not all of them. The food finally served to consumers
may or may not be cooked just before eating. So the risk is, to be precise, unknown.
Opponents
of testing have a point. If a
company that buys HVP tests it and finds
contamination, it is obligated to report the result to the FDA. The company that sent them the HVP must then track down all the other shipments that might
also have been contaminated, and perhaps recall all of them, before enough
information is available about the extent of contamination (note: the FDA lacks
the power to compel a recall in this situation). The recall will have cost food processors and sellers a lot
of money. And, in that situation,
the risk to eaters is unknown.
From a regulatory view, we are right back where we were, with the
addition of a lot of bad feeling about government regulation. Is this an argument for not
testing—unknown risk if you do test, unknown risk if you donŐt?
The
question points to an absurdity. Of course we
are better off knowing that a particular shipment of HVP
is contaminated. It sets into
motion a search for the contamination, a fix, and dissemination of the
knowledge acquired so that other food processors can improve, based on
experience. The two states of
unknown risk are not at all equivalent.
A
system of testing, in food safety and in environmental contaminants, will
reduce risks to health. Right now
we donŐt know by how much.
Opponents of testing are right that testing introduces financial
risk. But to not test destroys our
ability to make decisions based on risk.
It introduces a bias against public health, a bias in favor of making
money at the expense of public health.
We are a capitalist country, but to oppose testing is a dodge.
The
European Union is now running its REACH program (Registration, Evaluation and
Authorization of Chemicals), which should produce, over the next ten years,
data on the likely health impacts of the 100,000 or so chemicals that are now
used in industrial, food, and other applications.[5] The Report and other studies insist
that something like REACH is required here.[6] There will be arguments in the US over
whether we will use EU data on risks from chemicals. Right now we are completely unprepared to cope with this
impending flood of data.[7]
If
we want a risk based decision system we need to know about risks. It is within our power to start a
REACH-like testing of chemicals, and we need it to support risk based decision
making. To advocate risk based
decision making without the testing is a dodge.
That
is the context of the PresidentŐs Cancer Panel report. We will not make significant progress
against cancer until we adopt the precautionary approach to exposure. The political forces that oppose it
will fight it. They will probably
win.
NOTES
1. The report is
available online at http://deainfo.nci.nih.gov/advisory/pcp/pcp08-09rpt/PCP_Report_08-09_508.pdf. ItŐs official title is 2008–2009
Annual Report, PresidentŐs Cancer Panel, and the title page reads Reducing Environmental Cancer Risk: What We
Can Do Now.
2. P. Grandjean,
P.J. Landrigan, Ň
Developmental neurotoxicity of industrial
chemicals,Ó Lancet Published Online November 8, 2006DOI:10.1016/S0140-6736(06)69665-7.
3. In addition to the Report, see
General Accountability Office, Biomonitoring:
EPA Needs to Coordinate Its Research Strategy and Clarify Its Authority
to Obtain Biomonitoring Data, April, 2009,
GAO-09-353; and General Accountability Office, Testimony of John B.
Stephenson before the Subcommittee
on Environment and Hazardous Materials, House Committee on Energy and Commerce,
April 25, 2007, Perchlorate: EPA Does Not Systematically Track
Incidents of Contamination, GAO 07-797T.
4. See Is It In Us? Chemical Contamination of
Our Bodies, Commonweal Biomonitoring Resource Center
and the Body Burden Work Group, 2008; and Bobbi Chase Wilding, Kathy Curtis,
Kristen Welker-Hood, Hazardous Chemicals in Health Care: A Snapshot of Chemicals in Doctors and Nurses, Physicians
for Social Responsibility, 2009.
5. A comparison of the US and EU
approaches to controlling toxic substances is in General Accountability Office,
Chemical
Regulation: Comparison of U.S. and Recently Enacted European Union Approaches
to Protect against the Risks of Toxic Chemicals, August 2007, GAO 07-825.
6. See also, for example, Toxicity
Testing in the 21st Century: A Vision and a Strategy, Committee on Toxicity Testing and
Assessment of Environmental Agents, National Research Council, 2007; and Science and
Decisions-Advancing Risk Assessment, Committee on Improving Risk Analysis Approaches Used by the U.S.
EPA, National Research Council, 2009.
7. See FDA Science and Mission at Risk, Report of the Subcommittee on Science and Technology, Prepared for FDA Science Board, November 2007, pp. 45-51.
Source: http://www.plu.edu/~olufsdw/pcpr.htm, copyright Sid Olufs, 2010.
[1] The report is available
online at http://deainfo.nci.nih.gov/advisory/pcp/pcp08-09rpt/PCP_Report_08-09_508.pdf. ItŐs official title is 2008–2009
Annual Report, PresidentŐs Cancer Panel, and the title page reads Reducing Environmental Cancer Risk: What We Can Do Now.
[2] P. Grandjean, P.J. Landrigan, Ň Developmental
neurotoxicity of industrial chemicals,Ó Lancet
Published Online November
8, 2006DOI:10.1016/S0140-6736(06)69665-7.
[3] In addition to the Report, see General Accountability
Office, Biomonitoring: EPA
Needs to Coordinate Its Research Strategy and Clarify Its Authority to Obtain Biomonitoring Data, April, 2009, GAO-09-353; and
General Accountability Office, Testimony of John B. Stephenson before the Subcommittee on Environment and Hazardous Materials,
House Committee on Energy and Commerce, April 25, 2007, Perchlorate: EPA Does Not
Systematically Track Incidents of Contamination, GAO 07-797T.
[4] See Is It In Us? Chemical Contamination of Our Bodies, Commonweal Biomonitoring Resource Center and the Body Burden Work
Group, 2008; and Bobbi Chase Wilding, Kathy Curtis, Kristen Welker-Hood,
Hazardous Chemicals in
Health Care: A Snapshot of Chemicals in Doctors and Nurses, Physicians for Social
Responsibility, 2009.
[5] A comparison of the US and EU approaches to
controlling toxic substances is in General Accountability Office, Chemical
Regulation: Comparison of U.S. and Recently Enacted European Union Approaches
to Protect against the Risks of Toxic Chemicals, August 2007, GAO 07-825.
[6] See also, for example, Toxicity Testing in the 21st Century: A Vision and a Strategy, Committee on Toxicity Testing and Assessment of Environmental Agents, National Research Council, 2007; and Science and Decisions-Advancing Risk Assessment, Committee on Improving Risk Analysis Approaches Used by the U.S. EPA, National Research Council, 2009.
[7] See FDA Science and Mission at Risk, Report of the Subcommittee on Science and Technology, Prepared for FDA Science Board, November 2007, pp. 45-51.